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DJ Dr. Maitxinha

I was reading Bourdieu yesterday and he also observed this: “A striking and consistent finding in much language research is that lower‑status speakers have with great regularity led the linguistic charge in many of the innovations that have become well‑accepted parts of our language” - How Lower-Class Innovation, Like, Changes the Langwage lithub.com/how-lower-class-inn @linguistics

Literary HubHow Lower-Class Innovation, Like, Changes the LangwageIf you’ve never seen My Cousin Vinny, it should top your list of must‑see classic movies. Not only because it features actor Joe Pesci in one of his funniest roles, but because it is a great exampl…

@maitxinha @linguistics Related: Many years ago George Carlin noted that if you lock a Black guy and a white guy in a room for a while, the white guy will come out talking like the Black guy, and not the other way around.

@maitxinha @linguistics I've been thinking about these claims. I don't know if anyone's ever quantified them ("97% of changes come from below!"), but that seems like it could be hard to do.

Fridland alludes to the idea that there's something inherent in working-class language that promotes innovation (less uptightness?). But what if upper-class people innovate at the same rate, but there just aren't as many of them?

@grvsmth @maitxinha @linguistics It wouldn't be hard to quantify for the features that have been studied -- just count how many times the conclusion has been that it's a change from below vs not -- but it would be difficult to generalize to all #languagechange from there since #languagevariation/#sociolonguistic studies pretty much never use random sampling. But when the conclusion is the same for feature after feature in community after community, it becomes easier to say the claim is accurate

@joshisanonymous @maitxinha @linguistics It may feel easier after seeing the same conclusion repeatedly, but it is not any more justified scientifically.

The temptation to say "I'm seeing this everywhere I look, so it must be everywhere, even in places I don't look!" is one that we have to resist as scientists.

Another temptation to resist is confusing what we notice and remember with what's actually on record.

@grvsmth @maitxinha @linguistics I agree, but it's usually the best we can do in the social sciences. We're stuck almost entirely with observational studies and convenience samples when it comes to things like language change because anything better (for science) would generally be unethical to do

@joshisanonymous @maitxinha As a linguist who's spent most of their research career on this, I disagree in at least three ways:

First, if you can't do the research to back up your claim, just ... don't make the claim! Call it a hunch or a hypothesis, but don't report it as fact.

Second, in many contexts there are ways of sampling the entire population. I've done it. Don't just assume you can't.

I'll post the third in another toot...

@joshisanonymous @maitxinha The third disagreement is that the bias I'm pointing to is not that the sample of *people* may be unrepresentative. It's that the sample of *changes* may be unrepresentative.

It's really hard to make a list of all the changes that have happened in a language in, say, a fifty-year period. But to justify a claim that they "regularly" come from below requires an actual list of changes, marked by whether they came from above or below.

@joshisanonymous @maitxinha Multidimensional corpus analysis is an entire subfield that attempts to do this. I wrote a paper highlighting some of the challenges and I think even some of the multidimensional claims are not completely justified, but it's an important project and they've done a lot of good work:

brill.com/display/book/edcoll/

BrillThe Envelope of Variation in Multidimensional Register and Genre AnalysesAbstract While multidimensional analysis of register and genre variation is a very promising field, a number of problems with it have been identified. Of particular importance are the problems of eliminating grammatical sources of covariation, while still maintaining a set of variables that are faithful to earlier discussions in the literature. One potential solution to both problems is to use the notion of the envelope of variation, as established by variationist sociolinguistics, where grammatical features are counted not as a proportion of the total number of words, but as a proportion of the opportunities for these features to be produced. This technique is also valuable because it allows variables to be targeted with more precise algorithms. This paper describes a pilot study that integrates the envelope of variation into multidimensional analysis. It focuses on two variables (third-person pronouns and demonstrative adjectives) that we would not expect to covary according to Biber’s (1988) descriptions, but for which Biber himself found a significant correlation (-0.282). Using twelve texts from the MICASE corpus (96,000 words), the two variables were corrected based on definitions in the original literature and then restated as testable hypotheses with envelopes of variation. The correlation was -0.685 when using Biber’s original methods, - 0.505 when using corrected algorithms, and -.511 when using corrected algorithms with an envelope of variation. The first correlation was statistically significant, while the second and third were not. However, all three were higher than Biber’s original correlation, and would be significant if they were replicated with a corpus as big as Biber’s. The study emphasizes how complex the counting of any given variable is in corpus analysis, and how much work is necessary to properly identify each one.

@grvsmth @linguistics Group membership plays a role as well. Once the ‘slang’ is wide and used by others, new slang emerges